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Fall from Grace: Packard's 1940s Cars and the Decline of America's Most Prestigious Brand Print E-mail

Tags: 1940s | 1950s | American cars | Dutch Darrin | independents | luxury cars | orphan | Packard

Written by Aaron Severson   
Saturday, 15 May 2010 00:00

Between 1935 and 1956, the Packard Motor Car Company went from the top of the heap among American automotive brands to just another independent, struggling to survive on the scraps of the Big Three. This week, we take a look at the Packards of the 1940s, and how the once-great automaker lost its way. We also examine one of Packard's odder experiments, the postwar Station Sedan.

1948 Packard Super Eight Victoria badge

PACKARD CHANGES DIRECTION

At the start of the Great Depression, the Packard Motor Car Company was the default choice for American luxury car buyers. There were cars that were more expensive or more exotic, but Packard had an aura of patrician respectability that no other domestic automaker could match. A big Packard was not a sign of material accomplishment so much as a badge of class status, bolstered by graceful but restrained styling, impeccable quality, and exacting engineering. It was not a car for the masses.

1929 Packard 640 Runabout side
A Sixth Series (1929) Packard Custom Eight (640) 2/4-passenger roadster. The 640 was styled in-house by Werner Gubitz, but many of its design cues came from Ray Dietrich, who was a design consultant for Packard in this period. The Custom Eight was powered by a 385 cu. in. (6.3 L) straight eight, rated at 106 gross horsepower (79 kW).


The arrival of the Depression left Packard in an increasingly precarious position. While Packard's old-money clientele were less affected by the economic collapse than were the middle class, even the very wealthy were becoming wary of displays of conspicuous affluence. Packard sales began to drop, leaving the company in the red.

President and chairman Alvan Macauley recognized that if it were to survive the decade, Packard would have to broaden its market. He promoted Max Gilman, the tough-talking head of Packard's New York distributor, to general manager, and hired former GM executive George T. Christopher to oversee the development of a new, middle-class car, the One Twenty.

The One Twenty, launched in January 1935, brought Packard within the reach of upper-middle-class buyers. It was hardly cheap, but it was priced to compete with Buick, handily undercutting both Cadillac's LaSalle "companion make" and the Lincoln Zephyr. It was followed less than 18 months later by a new Packard Six, the marque's first six-cylinder engine since 1928. Both the One Twenty and the Six were solid, high-quality cars, sharing the styling of the "senior" Packards on a slightly smaller scale. The "junior" Packards were a great success, making 1937 the company's best-ever sales year. Of the 87,000-odd cars Packard built for the 1937 model year, about 95% were Sixes and One Twenties.

1934 Packard Twelve 5-passenger coupe side
An Eleventh-Series (1934) Packard Twelve five-passenger coupe. It rides a 141.9-inch (3,604-mm) wheelbase, and it's powered by a 445 cu. in. (7.3 L) flathead V-12, with 160 gross horsepower (119 kW).


Alvan Macauley assured the press, public, and stockholders that Packard had no intention of abandoning the prestige market, but Max Gilman, who became president in April 1939, had other ideas. Gilman and Christopher saw the senior cars as inefficient and outmoded. They were expensive and labor intensive to produce -- the Main Plant, where the senior models were built, had nearly as many workers as the newer plant that built the junior cars -- and their sales were very low. The Twelve hadn't topped 1,000 units a year since 1933, and the Super Eight's annual volume generally hovered below 3,000 units. The era of the great hand-built Classics was ending, in any case. Cadillac dropped its own V-12 and V-16s models in 1940, and many other high-end nameplates had already expired. The market for truly bespoke bodywork had all but vanished -- the new trend was to factory-built luxury cars with off-the-rack prices. Although Packard still cataloged a few "factory customs," carrying names like LeBaron and Rollston, most were little more than expensive trim packages, analogous to the "designer editions" that AMC and other manufacturers launched in the seventies.

The slow-selling 12-cylinder cars were quietly dropped in 1939. When the Eighteenth Series bowed in 1940, the senior models were little more than stretched versions of the junior cars, differing mainly in interior appointments and hood length. Even their new designations -- One-Sixty and One-Eighty -- suggested their commonality with the middle-class One-Twenty and six-cylinder One-Ten. The result was higher volume, but a serious erosion of Packard's old-money reputation.

1941 Packard One-Ten coupe front 3q
1941 Packard One-Eighty LeBaron sedan front 3q
Two Nineteenth-Series (1941) Packards: a six-cylinder One-Ten club coupe (top) and a One-Eighty Custom Super-8 LeBaron sedan. Other than the sidemounts, trim, and the substantial wheelbase stretch -- 138 inches (3,505 mm) for the One-Eighty, 122 inches (3,099 mm) for the One-Ten -- they look very much alike, although the One-Eighty cost about five times as much as its junior brother.
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SIDEBAR: Series and Model Years

Early in its history, Packard resisted the industry trend toward model years, with all their implications of planned obsolescence. The company's engineering and production philosophy was thorough but unhurried, and the general policy was to introduce new models when they were ready, not at some arbitrary point each fall. Models were initially designated with letters, then a confusing array of model numbers and sub-series. Packard did somewhat grudgingly assign model years to its cars for registration and licensing purposes, but the series sometimes overlapped model years. Usually, the only difference between two model years of the same series was the serial number, although there were some exceptions.

In the early twenties, Packard restarted its numbering with the First Series (sold from September 1920 through February 1925), followed by the overlapping Second Series (sold from December 1923 to August 1926), and so on. It skipped the Thirteenth Series in the mid-thirties, so the final prewar models were the Twentieth Series, sold between August 1941 and February 1942.

Packard president Jim Nance abandoned the series numbering in 1953. Subsequent years still technically had series designations, but they corresponded to the model year; the 1954 cars were the Fifty-Fourth Series, while the final Packards were the Fifty-Eighth Series.

As a side note, Packard's model designations shifted slightly from year to year, often with little rhyme or reason. For example, "One Twenty" was not hyphenated from 1935 to 1937, renamed "Eight" in 1938, went back to "One Twenty" in 1939 to 1940, and gained a hyphen ("One-Twenty") from 1940 to 1942. For this article, we've attempted to use the correct nomenclature for each specific model, based on the information in Packard: A History of the Motor Car and the Company (Automobile Quarterly Magnificent Marque Books), which was in turn drawn from factory records.

PACKARD STYLING

Playing in the middle-class market demanded that Packard become more competitive in both engineering and styling. Previously, Packard's central imperatives were continuity and attention to detail, not innovation or fashion. The marque's typical customer was very conservative, and tended to react poorly to anything too new or too flash. Packard stylists had to walk a narrow line, updating the company's look just enough to stay current, without alienating existing buyers.

Until the early thirties, Packard hadn't had a styling section in any formal sense. "Body art," as styling was known internally, was the purview of engineers and draftsmen, who generally borrowed designs -- not always under license -- from independent coachbuilders. Ray Dietrich (of LeBaron and Murray) became a design consultant in 1926, but it was not until January 1932 that Packard established a real in-house styling department. Its director was Edward Macauley, the 32-year-old son of Alvan Macauley.

1936 Packard Twelve convertible coupe front 3q
A Fourteenth-Series (1936) Packard Twelve convertible coupe. From 1935 to 1936, Packard's V-12 was stroked to 473 cu. in. (7.8 L), making up to 180 gross horsepower (134 kW) with the optional high-compression heads. Production of the Twelve ended in August 1939.

By the rather reactionary standards of Detroit society, Ed Macauley was a hell-raiser and something of a playboy. He loved jazz, was a fair trombone player, and was very fond of motorcycles and sports cars. He had no formal artistic training of any kind -- he had been kicked out of prep school, and never went to college -- but like Edsel Ford, he was a good critic and a decent administrator. Although his new position was the product of undisguised nepotism, Ed Macauley was almost universally liked by Packard's designers, engineers, and workers, who remembered him as a warm-hearted gentleman, almost totally without pretension.

While Ed Macauley was the administrative and titular head of styling, the creative force behind Packard design was chief stylist Werner Gubitz, who had joined the company in 1927. Gubitz, a German immigrant three years older than his boss, was a shy, quiet man, who received little credit for his work until years after his retirement. His early designs were heavily influenced by Ray Dietrich, but Gubitz oversaw a careful and mostly graceful evolution of the Packard look throughout the 1930s.

1936 Packard One Twenty front 3q
A Fourteenth-Series (1936) Packard One Twenty. In appearance, the One Twenty was essentially a slightly shrunken version of the senior Packards, riding a shorter, 120-inch (3,048-mm) wheelbase. It was the first Packard with independent front suspension, dubbed Safe-T-fleX, and hydraulic brakes, which were added to the senior lines in 1937.

THE CLIPPER

Packard's cautious approach to styling worked quite well until the arrival in 1938 of the Cadillac Sixty Special. Styled by Bill Mitchell, the Sixty Special was a high-priced fashion leader, with many design features that were considered quite radical at the time. Even some Cadillac executives feared it would be too far out for the brand's existing customers. Despite those reservations, the Sixty Special was a great commercial success, and it had a galvanic influence on the American luxury car market. It demonstrated that luxury car buyers were far more fashion conscious than most automakers had believed.

The Sixty Special evidently made Max Gilman very nervous, particularly because he and sales chief Bill Packer were aware that GM planned an even more radical new look for 1941. In late 1938, Packard management ordered Ed Macauley to launch a crash program to develop a rival for the Sixty Special.


Comments (13)
  • keeton  - Thanks for another captivating article

    Although you focused on Packard's management along with the company's (mis)fortunes, there were always rumors of external forces that contributed to Packard's downfall. After WW2, the Big 3 seemed to gang up on the independents and there was some scuttlebutt regarding the sale of the mid-50's Packard tooling to the Russians. I don't know much detail and I'm curious if you had any insight.

  • Administrator

    The rumors of Packard selling its tooling (first for the pre-Clipper senior cars in 1941-42, then its final mid-fifties cars) have persisted for many years.

    I'm not at all sure what to make of them. The idea that Packard might have sold or transferred the tooling in 1941-42 is conceptually plausible, but James Arthur Ward, who went through Packard's records at some length in the late eighties, found no documentation whatever of any official transfer, nor any mention of it in minutes of Packard board meetings. Other historians have suggested that the Soviet ZIS, despite its obvious resemblance to the prewar Packards, couldn't have been struck from those dies. The idea that Packard would have sold or given its 1955-56 tooling to the Soviets in the late fifties strikes me as outlandish. My suspicion is that the Soviets simply found or bought a couple of actual Packards and produced studious locally made copies, just as they did with the Boeing B-29 Superfortress (knock-offs of which were manufactured as the Tupelov Tu-4).

    Even if the Soviets did somehow end up with the actual tooling, it hardly would have made any difference, because Packard had already stopped using them. The prewar tooling was abandoned in 1941, when Briggs Body Co. persuaded Gilman and Macauley to transfer all body stamping work to Briggs. In retrospect, that wasn't a good decision for Packard, but even if Packard had built the Clipper and later cars in-house, the outdated tooling would have been abandoned anyway. Much the same is true of the '55-'56 tooling; in 1956, Studebaker-Packard shut down production in Detroit, as we'll see in next week's article. S-P had little choice about consolidating production in South Bend, and they had to sell the only Studebaker plant that could have accommodated Packard's existing tooling. (Which at that point was seven years old, anyway.)

    The only way the Big Three -- or, more precisely, Ford and GM -- "ganged up" on the independents was the price war between Ford and Chevy in 1952-1953, which we'll also talk about next week. I don't think there was any specific intent of smashing the independents, although certainly it was difficult for the independents to keep up with GM and Ford in pricing, frequent redesigns, etc.

    GM senior management actually would have preferred for the independents to remain reasonably healthy, although they did little to make that happen. General Motors management (at the corporate level, not the individual divisions) lived in mortal fear that if they controlled too much of the market, the Justice Department would break them up on antitrust grounds. Still, I suppose you could compare GM's actions to 'incidentally' wiping out a species by overdeveloping its habitat and disrupting its food supply...at that point, it hardly matters if you're intending to cause extinction or not.

  • CaptVonKrapp

    I never knew Packard had such a great reputation--I finally get the punch line of a classic James Thurber cartoon in which a society matron is showing her dog's new litter of puppies to another matron and says, "...and their father belonged to some people who driving through in a Packard!"

  • Stéphane Dumas  - What if...?

    I founded a good text writen by Patrick Foster, about what if Packard had merged right away with Nash instead of Studebaker?

    And here another "what if", if Packard had used the body of the Facel-Vega excellence.

    Or a how about a Packard (should we call it a "Packoln" or "Linckard"?) using the 1956-57 Lincoln body?

  • Administrator

    This week's article will talk a bit about the prospects of a Nash/Hudson/Packard merger, and why that didn't happen. In hindsight, it would have been a better choice, because Studebaker was in far worse shape than anyone (including Paul Hoffman and Harold Vance) really grasped, but Packard's board saw them as bigger, and assumed they had more of a future.

    The fundamental problem with Foster's theory, which was the flaw that also undid the Studebaker merger, was that consolidation and shared tooling take time. Studebaker-Packard also had a plan for shared bodies -- not the "slap a Packard grille on a Commander and call it a Packard" deal, but a GM-style shared-body plan. The problem was that they did not have the capital to implement it, and when Nance tried to raise money for exactly that purpose, his creditors said no. Nash/AMC was in somewhat better shape, but at the point where a merger would have been possible, it was also losing money, and the same problem would have existed. Nance and George Mason DID discuss building Packard bodies in Kenosha, but the cost of shipping bodies-in-white back to Detroit was just too high.

    Packard did approach Ford in and ask to share the Lincoln tooling for the 1957 Packards, promising to make them look different enough to not infringe on Ford's business. Packard also offered to merge with Ford, suggesting that Ford either badge the E-car (which became the Edsel) a Studebaker, or badge it as a Lincoln and apply the Packard name to the high-end Lincoln line. The latter offer was not taken seriously, but Henry Ford II did make encouraging noises about the former. While Henry was potentially amenable, his ambitious executive staff was most certainly not, however, and when Packard executives went to Ford, the engineering staff flatly refused to even allow them to inspect the tooling. Those sketches, done by Dick Teague's staff, were as far as the plan ever got.

    The problem with that plan, even if Ford had been more cooperative, was that Lincoln was about to abandon its body-on-frame construction for 1958. That would have left Packard either having to start from scratch or once again facelifting an outdated body, as they'd been doing since 1951. Packard management recognized that problem, but they dismissed it as something to worry about later (the attitude in the board minutes discussing it was something like, "Yeah, we should all live so long.") It would at best have been a temporary stopgap.

  • Kelvin Dunham  - Reply

    the author is not very knowledeable about Packard, many errors contained, like:
    "Darrin also built a modest number of Clipper-based Convertible Victorias, based on the One-Eighty chassis; this is the 1941 model. Production amounted to about 35 cars in 1941, 15 in 1942" Packard only built ONE of these, no mention of Nance and the great Caribbeans? too much opinion in this article

  • Administrator

    Jim Nance and his tenure are outside the scope of this article, which focuses on the period from the late thirties to the end of the 23rd Series in 1950. The Caribbeans are mentioned in the subsequent article, at least briefly; while they were magnificent automobiles in many respects, their sales and impact were sadly limited.

    According to L. Morgan Yost's chapter in the Automobile Quarterly book Packard: A History of the Motor Car and the Company, there were about 50 Clipper-based Darrin Convertible Victorias in all, 35 in 1941, 15 in 1942. The one-off was the Sport Sedan, Type No. 1422. This was listed in the catalog, but apparently the only one built was for a Packard executive. If you have other information to share, I'd be happy to see it.

    If you note other specific factual errors, feel free to point them out, and I'll investigate. As for the opinion, I make no apologies for that -- you're free to disagree.

  • Dan Morton

    It very interesting reading about the Packard tooling from the lean-lease program from ww2 and how the Russians got the tooling for free but every time I try to get an answer it scenes to me that there is government cover –up as to how the dies were sent to Russia during the war? It also scenes to me that even during the mid 1950’s when times were good that it was very odd how a ww2 military contractor was at the forefront of technology then is beaten in the ground! It is very to understand how a well run indention car company just went out of business when it was well diversified in car, aircraft engines, marine engines and even jet engines?

  • Administrator

    As I said earlier, there's considerable doubt as to whether Packard actually did send its tooling to the USSR at that point. (Even if it did happen, I doubt it would have been a formal part of Lend-Lease, since calling tooling dies for an automobile war materiel would be a stretch.) James Arthur Ward found no evidence of it in Packard's internal records, including board meeting minutes. I suppose if someone were motivated to investigate further, a Freedom of Information Act request might provide some answers, since I can't imagine anything like that would be classified, particularly now.

    I don't see what anyone would stand to gain by covering it up. Used (and, one could argue, obsolete) automotive tooling hardly seems more sensitive than military aircraft, tanks, ships, etc., which are pretty well documented. Occam's Razor and the "cui bono" (who benefits?) principle would seem to apply.

    The article on Packard in the fifties touches on Packard's defense contract woes, which Ward's book discusses at greater length. Basically, a lot of automakers who had defense contracts lost out in the mid-fifties, both because of contracts canceled following the end of the Korean War and shifts in U.S. defense policy under Defense Secretary (and former GM president) Charles Wilson.

  • Stuart R. Blond

    Just a few quick comments -- The 1951 and 1952 "200", the 1953 Clippers and the convertibles from those years (except for the '53 Caribbean), all used glass taillight lenses. (In the taillight caption)

    And, the California Packard dealer was Earle C. Anthony, not Anthony Earl. (In the pelican caption)

    Other than that, a very nice and informative article. Thank you!

  • Administrator

    Thanks for the corrections! I didn't know the first part, and the second was obviously just carelessness. I've amended the text.

  • Huck  - Errors in otherwise nice article

    A couple corrections. The caption of the two-tone 1947 Packard Custom Super Clipper photo cites 0-60 in 19 seconds and a top speed of 108. 0-60 is around 13 seconds, and top speed around 104 mph, still the fastest postwar car 'til the '49 Cadillac ohv V-8 and '51 Chrysler hemi V-8.

    The "1941 Darrin Clipper" isn't. Darrin did build one convertible using a '41 Clipper for his friend and customer Errol Flynn, but that car vanished decades ago in Mexico. The pictured car is a recreation on the more robust 1947 Super Clipper chassis by a gentleman in Seattle, who has never presented the lovely car as anything but a faithful homage to the original, which he briefly owned as a young fellow just out of the Navy in the 1950s.

    Finally, all the corporate survival "what ifs" overlook that all independents were doomed by the 1950s because they couldn't compete with GM/Ford tool amorization costs, afford costly TV advertising, nor the increasingly "necessary" if silly annual facelifts.
    For example, Rolls-Royce from 1935 was chiefly an aero engine manufacturer, the cars a boutique sideline with postwar bodies stamped by Pressed Steel, who also supplied Austin and much of the rank and file English motor industry.
    Cadillac was downsized in 1936 and from then on essentially a GMobile, sharing parts with lesser divisions. A '41 Cadillac convertible, for example, shares every piece of sheetmetal with a '41 Pontiac ragtop.

    By 1953, there was only a "Big Two," as Chrysler's market share had fallen to only 12.9%.

    Nice article otherwise, but let's stick with "Just the facts, ma'am" and less conjecture.

  • Administrator

    I will bow to your recollections on the peach-colored car; I didn't have the opportunity to talk to the owner when I saw it. The acceleration times you mention for the Super Clipper sound more plausible, so I've updated the text.

    I agree that by the fifties it was increasingly (and probably prohibitively) difficult for the smaller automakers to compete with GM and Ford on their own terms. However, that didn't necessarily mean that they were doomed, just that they needed to offer something the larger automakers did not, and not just try to go head to head with Chevrolet or even Oldsmobile. AMC did that and survived for more than 20 years, arguably stumbling only when it backed away from the niche philosophy to try to become more mainstream.

    In any case, I reserve the right to conjecture -- if you disagree, that's certainly your prerogative.

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